Gerda Dalipaj (*1977) studierte Ethnologie und Psychologie in Tirana. Neben ihrer Lehrtätigkeit an der Universität Elbasan, arbeitet sie seit 2003 am Institut für Volkskultur in Tirana. Sie zählt zur jüngsten Generation kritischer Dichterinnen in Albanien. Einige ihrer Gedichte und Prosatexte wurden ins deutsche übertragen und wurden vom halleschen Reise- und Kulturmagazin destinatio.de veröffentlicht.

In the case of Albania, the 8th of March coincides with despairing statistics about domestic violence: one of three women in Albania is meant to experience physical violence, and one of two emotional abuse (see report of INSTAT, “Dhuna ne familje – vrojtim kombetar me baze populaten, 2009, p. 137, or Amnesty International ‘Ending domestic violence in Albania. Next steps”, 2010, p. 2).

The situation is indeed sad. With all the enormous body of governmental and non-governmental organizations, the social panorama is excessively filled with violence, injustice and lack of respect for life. An enormous number of NGO-s operating in the field did not reach to create civil sensitivity towards and engagement against the abuse and social injustice in general. Instead they contributed to the enforcement of the division of rich and poor, of those who have access to freedom, and those who do not. In relation to the improvement of women’s situation, the approach of these organizations in Albania has been merely liberal: they managed to open a discussion about equality of men and women, but which at the other side remained marginal to or isolated from everyday life. This discussion was mostly oriented towards legal reforms and providing first aid help for abused women. Aiming at an immediate change, to the applied politics was given more importance than to research and understanding of the situation. Gender politics mostly expressed westernized stances. The local specifics’ perspective and a transnational comparative perspective, was very vague in this discourse. The role of media has been ambiguous. At one side courageous journalists have denounced the violence and marginality of Albanian women and have been dedicating to creation of a public sensibilization. At the other side, media has been strongly promoting a sex-positive feminism, where freedom is excessively sought through a deliberated sexual life, whose counter effect in a patriarchic society was the sexual hyper-objectification of women. Media has not been guilt-free also towards the creation of a contradictory image of an “all-do woman”, which is successful in career without contesting the crucial aspects of the present social order (an oppressive order where clientelism is fundamental to gain success in carrier). Also in a society where so many different forms of oppression take place, the violence against women seem not to have been central to public discourse, but peripheral. For example the Albanian socialist opposition has been undertaking a chain of revolts against the fraud of last parliamentary elections in 2009. They call this ‘stealing of votes’ and they blame the prime minister for this. But how many women in Albania are free to choose a political subject different from that of their fathers and husbands? Based on my experience I think they are still few. It is a sad situation stuck in a one-way road despite lots of “refrigerated laws”, which do not produce more freedom, equality and responsible subjects. So the claim of the first wave feminism that women should express themselves freely politically is not fully accomplished. But this does not have space in the discourse of the opposition in Albania, as if the falsifying of votes is something which happens in the air, away from the social injustices of our everyday lives, and away from our personal responsibilities. Again according to the lines of this happen-in-the-air-politics, the phenomenon seems to be void of historical context. There is little concern in historical research about women and family before the communist regime in Albania and during the regime, and how this relates to our present realities. Women remain marginal while history is a history of men. As is stated in a circulating extract from Banderole feministe “There is someone more unknown then the unknown soldier: his women”.

Parts of these problems are faced by the feminists movements all over the world, part of them are context specific. The up to now efforts from feminists in Albania are worth, but we see that the approach of “refrigerated laws”, of an “armchair activism” or of a “society in pieces” are not anymore effective. They all are linked through one name: isolation. If is meant to be an effective feminist movement in Albania, this should begin from breaking the chains of isolation. This is fundamental for a country like Albania which suffered for decades severe forms of internal and external isolation, and which after the demolishment of the regime experienced harsh class differences inside society. Understanding isolation, and acting against it, means opening the gates for awareness. We should all involve in every possible effort to get to know beyond ourselves, and to get to know each other. Although different in needs and approaches, we are all part of the same whole, and part of the same struggle for human dignity.

Beautiful of this 8th of March, is that it comes together with a new vague of impressive change in the Arab world. Egyptian women went in the streets against the dictatorship and despite the dominating neo-patriarchy and gender divisions. There is a lot to learn from their endeavor, there is a lot of inspiration, there is a lot to exchange. This is the sign that in the age of interconnections peoples of solidarity can show that they are more powerful than the inhuman economical interests.